Right-wing violence greets AAP at its Kaushambi office

That violence has no place in a democracy is a point no matter how many times it is repeated it will miss certain groups who refuse to respect a difference of opinion or are ready for a healthy debate. In what can be seen as only an intolerant act, 30-40 people attacked the headquarters of AAP in Ghaziabad. The attackers, many of whom belong to a right-wing group called Hindu Raksha Dal, said that they were protesting against AAP leader Prashant Bhushan’s comment that a referendum should be carried out in Kashmir to decide if the Army be deployed in the Valley.
The AAP leader said that his statement was misconstrued and the party has distanced itself from Bhushan’s statement. Lumpen groups — who have a construed a narrow view about Indian culture and claim to protect it — seem to forget that Article 19 of the Constitution guarantees the right for a person to hold and express his/her view — even if it is contrarian to popular perception. Unfortunately, such acts of vigilantism are not a new phenomenon, but are the preferred route of many organisations that are high on chest-thumping empty rhetoric and low on credibility: The Sri Rama Sena’s morale policing of couples on Valentine’s Day in Mangalore in 2009, the ransacking of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute in Pune by over 100 protesters from the Sambhaji Brigade of the Maratha Seva Sangh for hurting the sentiments of Maratha people in 2004, the Shiv Sena protesting and banning Rohinton Mistry’s book from the Mumbai University curriculum claiming that it contained derogatory remarks about Maharashtrians in 2010, the examples are many.

There is little doubt that the lack of tough and visible action against mobsters during previous attacks has emboldened fringe groups, like the Hindu Raksha Dal, to act in such a brazen manner. This is evident in the fact that one of the persons behind the attack on Wednesday has been linked to the 2011 attack on Bhushan in his chamber in the Supreme Court. Confident that the long arm of the law will not catch them, they enjoy their 15 minutes of fame. However, there should be no two ways while addressing such lawlessness. No political sanction for such actions can be justified and the attack has been rightly condemned by many parties. Political parties and organisation must realise that gone are the days when such acts could gain them political mileage. Such destruction is only proof that some are still caught in the past. Today, the people want development and accountability. Perhaps it is time to ensure that people or organisations are made to pay for the destruction they cause while protesting in addition to other legal action.

Mumbai gangrape: Little hope for women in India

                                                                                                                 AP photo

The August 22 Mumbai gangrape was shocking. What were more shocking were the reactions that poured in.
If anyone thought that women were safe in India after the massive protests following the December 16 gangrape in Delhi last year, I’ll blame the prince charming who kissed back to life these Snow Whites (they were better off sleeping). For various reasons, our public spaces are not going to be any safer for women in the near future, unless there is some drastic change — and frankly, nothing is in sight.
The administration has reacted in an almost textbook fashion. Maharashtra home minister RR Patil’s suggestion to send the police with every woman journalist working alone or in isolated places betrays an agonising lethargy shown towards an application of mind. Why can’t the home minister ensure that ‘isolated places’ are not the dens for anti-social elements? Why wasn’t the mills and surrounding area, notorious for its drug pushers, etc, not better policed?
The suspects are being pursued and in all likelihood they will be caught. What after that? Jayanto’s Tooingin in the August 24 Hindustan Times very succinctly conveys at least two things: One, the arrogance of the culprits who care two hoots for the ‘tough’ laws and know that the speed limit for ‘fast-track courts’ are not-above-20kms/hr. Second, the helplessness the reader seeing the cartoon.
The media also needs to get its act right. Reactions of horror, almost presuming that until then everything was hunky-dory, is being unfair to the many women who have to face various forms of abuse, perhaps on a daily basis, but do not reach the media’s ‘horror’ scale qualifying to be ‘news’.
Unfortunately, there is no magic pill or a spell that can get things bright starting tomorrow. But there are things that can be done, small steps that can lead to a greater change. The average politician who cries that things should change should lead from the front. For starters, let them come together and pass the Women’s Reservation Bill. This might not stop rapes or make public spaces safer for women but it will sure be a big step towards reaching that goal. There are more steps that can be taken: women’s safety is appallingly low not because for want of ideas, but for want of a will to do so.
Until then, it’s not a sunny day for women in India’s cities, towns and villages. To borrow from John Lennon (and tamper with a beautiful line): ‘You may say I'm a pessimist / But I'm not the only one’.

Lingerie Mannequins: BMC gets its knickers in a twist

Banning, it seems, is the easiest option for many in India. Reinforcing this view is the latest decision of the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) which unanimously decided to ban mannequins that display lingerie items. Lingerie mannequins, according to the Ghatkopar corporator, Ritu Tawade, who proposed the ban, are “corrupting the minds of people and are against the morals of the society”. How Ms Tawade came to such a conclusion is not clear but she seems to have a lot of people agreeing with her, including the Mumbai mayor. There have been earlier instances of bans being resorted to when an unorthodox view was expressed: be it the banning of literature and art, banning of movies, etc. Rather than having an informed debate and seeking a public consensus on ways of improving a situation when there are conflicting views about a particular subject, the shortcut of banning everything does not fit the mould of propriety that societal norms set.
Circumventing or postponing tough decisions are not the sign of a good leader. Our authorities, it seems, do not believe in this. While banning does not address the problem, it certainly does exaggerate the pretence of action being undertaken by the authorities concerned. When it comes to bans, authorities, in government or ‘protectors of Indian culture’, are often at the forefront. If it is the safety and security of women that the authorities have in mind while taking these ludicrous decisions, they would do better by focusing more on improving the law and order situation in the country. If authorities hope to instil a respect for women with such a move, it should be remembered that bans do not ensure or enable gender justice.
If more people start to see reason in the flawed arguments put forward by the likes of Tawade, soon the sculptures and paintings in the Ajanta and Ellora caves and the Khajuraho temples will be portrayed in a more ‘descent’ way that will not lead to the ‘pollution of the minds’ of people who see it. And what a tragedy that would be.

The Dutt case highlights the need for better conditions in Indian jails

Film actor Sanjay Dutt going to prison has highlighted an aspect of our jails in the country that seldom get mention —they are unsafe places to end up in. Many prominent people have come out demanding that Dutt be provided better conditions in the jail, where he will be serving the remaining part of his five-year sentence for possessing illegal weapons during the 1993 bomb blasts in Mumbai. The narrative, much in Bollywood style, goes that Dutt’s life is in danger while in prison and that he should be given better facilities as he is a reformed person. While there might be an inkling of truth in these fears given that our prison safety records are poor, it should not be used as an excuse for preferential treatment towards a select few because of their status in society. Giving select privileges to certain prisoners should be stopped. A crime, irrespective of who does it, is a crime and this principle should be meted out in prisons. Entitlements — like special food, greater freedom in the prison, comfy beds and air-conditioners — rob the purpose of serving a sentence and diminish the fear of committing a crime.
On the contrary, the fear of unsafe prisons should be used as a case for improving the conditions in the thousands of jails that dot the topography of the country. Overcrowded jails where both under-trials and convicted criminals share the same space — which is a human rights violation — is a common sight in most of the prisons in India. Overcrowding often leads to bad management of inmates by prison authorities and this leads to crimes inside the prison and also leads to appalling hygienic conditions. The Tihar jail, the largest in South Asia, is also frighteningly overcrowded and it was here that Ram Singh, a main accused in the December 16 gang rape case, was attacked and found dead in his cell. By not improving the conditions in prisons across the country, India is violating the UN Human Rights Committee norms (and norms of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights). According to a March 2011 report of the Asian Centre for Human Rights, more than 12,000 people have died in Indian prisons over the last decade — that’s an alarming three people a day.
Our overcrowded prisons and poor living standards need to be looked into and changed if jails should actually be centres for reform and not dungeons from which there is no escape.

Riots in India: A longing for justice

A Delhi sessions court by setting aside the CBI closure report on the 1984 Sikh riot case has brought to the front an issue that has been festering in the minds of thousands of its victims for almost three decades now. Riots, irrespective of where they happen or who are affected, not only bring untold misery but also leave scars that refuse to heal with time. Independent India has seen numerous riots: the 1969 riots in Ahmedabad, the 1984 Bhiwandi riots, the 1980 Morabadad riots, the Mumbai riots, the 2002 Gujarat violence, etc to name a few. Every now and then these blood-stained episodes in our history are brought to public gaze when fresh details emerge and court hearings occur. While there might be different accounts regarding the causes for a particular riot, there’s no two views that its effects are protracted, at times stretching for decades together.

Owing to the large number of people involved in it and the multiple views and accounts, enquires into riots, much like mob violence, are time-consuming processes. This, however, is little excuse. A reason why riot cases prolong is the inadequate or haphazard investigation and evidence collection at the initial phase and this lacuna affects the course of the case. Even in instances where there have been comprehensive investigations and detailed reports, governments of the day for various political exigencies have chosen to sit on it — or worse rubbish it. The Justice B N Srikrishna Committee report on the Bombay riots in 1992 and the blast in 1993 were rubbished by the Shiv Sena government and till date has not been acted upon by any of the Maharashtra governments that followed. Ignoring a commission report defeats the purpose of instituting it and also gives the victims of the riot a sense of further being wronged — this time by the state.
Rather than festering such wounds the government should come up with mechanisms to ensure speedy justice. The pursuit of justice in the case of riots is important, but equally so is the need to compensate and rehabilitate victims. Often the rehabilitation of riot victims has been shoddy. The government, both at the Centre and State, has more often than not failed to provide a sense of closure to victims whom the state is duty-bound to protect.
(An edited version of this appeared in the Hindustan Times)

This Talaash Gives Mixed Results

A poster of the movie belonging to the maker of Talaash

Talaash starts with a bang — there is an uncanny eeriness to Mumbai that almost makes one feel that it is too good to be true. From here the movie builds pace and just when the script is getting you to the edge of the seat with the twists and turns (gripping ones I should say) the director brings in the side track (or second track) focusing on the personal life of the protagonist cop. This shift — and it is an agonising one — robs the film of its momentum. Imagine you’re in a night club where the mood is picking up and suddenly the dance floor changes into a classroom — and you find yourself listening to a lecture on the agrarian practises in 16th Century India.
This lull is lifted towards the interval only to fall back into the ravine in the second half. There is a scene in the film where Inspector Shekhawat (the character Khan plays) manages to catch some sound sleep — it’s a good scene. Just make sure you wake up when he does the next morning. Things pick up towards the end but by then there’s little left for even a mind on sleep mode to fathom.
The central plot or the main thread of the film is in itself a very good, engaging and sumptuous story with all vital elements required. Director Reema Kagti, I feel, by bringing in the side track has not been able to do justice to either part in the film.
Having said that, the movie stands on its own thanks to the good performances by the actors. Aamir Khan lives up to all the sound surrounding the film. Rani Mukherji is pleasant as always — never mind her character is stuck in perpetual pathos. Kareena Kapoor as Rosy is the brilliance of the director (casting director) because there is a lethal beauty in Rosy’s helpless which (I guess) only Kareena could do justice to. Nawazuddin Siddiqui is effortlessly eloquent.
One very good thing the director has ensured is that the Inspector Shekhawat (with all the emotional swings) is just a cop — nothing more, nothing less. Khan, to his credit, has managed to bring a very everyday and simple gravitas to a character that could have easily been overdone. This police inspector has nothing special about him, he is no Jack Bauer who gets a whiff of who is behind the crime by standing next to the body, nor is he the muscle-ripping filmi police who solves cases using the Hulk in him. He rattles his subordinates and is told to get his act right by his senior (interesting played by a young actor — usually big stars are not seen getting a dressing down from younger actors).
Blame it on the hype surrounding the film or the expectations from the team behind the film, Reema Kagti’s Talaash is a letdown. One feels that the director tried to fit in too many things, give a laborious and painful side track, into a primary story that could have been a great story on its own. However, Talaash has got good music and is worth the money you spend on the ticket... though I’m not sure about the popcorn.

The Show Must Go On

The biggest hit this season seems to be a 62-hour spectacle that was scripted from across the border. None of the actors were known faces until now and its overnight success has send shivers down the spine of many in Bollywood.
The 26/11 Mumbai attack, while an unprecedented and grotesque one, has threatened the country’s biggest movie industry and rightly so because in a holiday season when every teenager should be humming OSTs and copying movie styles, they are trying to gather themselves after 26/11.
TRPs are the highest for news channels while entertainment and sports are forgotten. For an industry that has had a lean year, missing this season is unimaginable. Also sensing this, many in tinsel town reacted openly in a manner that has never been witnessed before. Bollywood was all over the news before the fire in the Taj Hotel was doused.
While the media in a deliberate attempt refrained from communalising the attack, as ‘Hindu’ or ‘Islamic’ terror, in a subtle way it projected how the attack had maligned the Muslims. For reasons best know to the news channels, most of the celebrities who appeared on TV or appealed for unity and peace were Muslims – Shah Rukh Khan, Aamir Khan, Salman Khan, Javed Akhtar, Shabana Azmi, Javed Jaffrey, Farah Khan … . Saif Ali Khan and his latest arm candy Kareena Kapoor dashed a letter on how they were ‘shocked’ by the attack. The exceptions in this could be Amitabh Bachchan on his blog and Sanjay Dutt. But given Sanju’s alleged 1993 blasts links one cannot miss the parallel. How come the media missed the Kapoors, Kumars, Deols…?
What took the industry so long to react while the country, particularly Mumbai, has been reeling under a series of attacks time and again?
This time terror has hit the glitterati in more than one way. The panic the attack has created has stopped people flocking to multiplexes thereby reducing the revenue movies churn.
26/11 has dawned upon them the reality that they could also be hit by terror. An average Mumbaikar does not frequent the Taj or the Trident. He has been hit many times in the past when bombs went off in crowded trains and BEST buses. Bollywood does not frequent the CST terminal, their hangouts were targeted on 26/11. The appeal filmstars have among the public cannot be underscored but one wonders what took them so many years to voice themselves in the chorus they are now?